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# Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power

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#1 NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER • From Pulitzer Prize–winning biographer Jon Meacham, “a big, grand, absorbing exploration of not just Jefferson and his role in history but also Jefferson the man, humanized as never before” (Entertainment Weekly ) “Probably the best single-volume biography of Jefferson ever written.”—Gordon S. Wood A BEST BOOK OF THE YEAR: The New York Times Book Review, The Washington Post, Entertainment Weekly, The Seattle Times, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, BookPage This magnificent biography brings vividly to life an extraordinary man and his remarkable times, giving us Thomas Jefferson the man, the politician, and the president. A Founder whose understanding of power and of human nature enabled him to move men and marshal ideas, to learn from his mistakes and to prevail, Jefferson was passionate about many things—women, his family, science, architecture, gardening, Monticello, Paris, and more. He strove, despite fierce opposition, to realize his vision: the creation, survival, and success of popular government in America. Drawing on archives in the United States, England, and France, as well as unpublished transcripts of Jefferson presidential papers, Jon Meacham shows us the personal Jefferson, a man of appetite, sensuality, and passion. He also presents Jefferson as the most successful political leader of the early republic, and perhaps in all American history, a leader who found the means to endure and to win. His story resonates today not least because he led his nation through ferocious partisanship amid economic change and external threats. Jefferson also embodies an eternal drama, the struggle of the leadership of a nation to achieve greatness in a difficult and confounding world.

Review: Crisply written and excellent biography of Thomas Jefferson - This is a well written, fast moving biography of Thomas Jefferson. The chapters tend to be punchy and relatively brief (some as short as 5 or 6 pages long)' I once reviewed Ellis book, "American Sphinx," a biography of Thomas Jefferson. At one point I mentioned Ellis' perspective: "Thomas Jefferson, according to the author, was an American Sphinx. And, indeed, there is an elusive quality to Jefferson. As the biography outlines, he could be as vicious a political assassin as there was (e.g., his attacks on John Adams through others, while trying to keep his own hands `clean'), but he did not appear to want to accept or confront this in himself. Ellis characterizes Jefferson as (page 26) `. . .a flawed creature, a man who combined massive learning with extraordinary naïveté, piercing insights into others with daunting powers of self-deception, utter devotion to great principles with a highly indulged presumption that his own conduct was not answerable to them.'" In short, Ellis emphasized his elusiveness, his contradictions. It is a nuanced work, but there is a critical edge at points in this book. Jon Meacham's book has a different take on Jefferson. It has a more positive cast to it. One example suggests the difference in approaches. Ellis speaks of the time when President George Washington lamented to harsh attacks on him by a partisan newspaper, edited by Philip Freneau. Jefferson was a key actor in bringing the newspaper into existence. Indeed, Freneau was an employee of the State Department (which Jefferson headed). Ellis' take on this is critical, as he relates Washington's lament to Jefferson, while Jefferson revealed nothing of his own role in the newspaper. Ellis sees this as indicating a sort of dishonesty about Jefferson. Meacham sees it as an illustration of Jefferson's desire not to get caught up in unpleasantness, with which he felt uncomfortable. The book does a nice job outlining Jefferson's life, from birth to death. Meacham develops a portrayal of Jefferson that addresses his inconsistencies (his view on slavery and African-Americans is rather tortured). Jefferson is perceived as a pragmatist--not a mist eyed Romantic. Slavery is an example. He thought it an institution that would create problems in the future. He made a few efforts to address this, but withdrew and did not really take a firm stand thereafter when the political problems associated with his perceptions became obvious. The book analyzes some of Jefferson's problems in a sympathetic manner, such as his flight from the English forces while he was serving as Governor. It treats his economic policy against European countries more positively than Ellis. The book deals openly with Sally Hemings, a slave on his plantation who bore him several children. Well done is the past paced storyline of Jefferson. We move crisply through the various stages of life, from his early political career to his role at the Constitutional Convention (with his authorship of the Declaration of Independence as a major contribution), to Governor of Virginia to a diplomat living in Paris to service as Secretary of State under Washington to the vice presidency (serving with John Adams--who went from being a close ally to his bête noir) to the presidency and thereafter. The tale of the resumption of his friendship with John Adams is well told. We get a good sense of Meacham's take on Jefferson as a person. All in all, a very readable account of Jefferson that is accessible to the reader.
Review: Re-balances the Modern Perception of Jefferson - THOMAS JEFFERSON: THE ART OF POWER, by Jon Meacham is a great read, I enjoyed it Prologue through Epilogue. It is lively, interesting and insightful. I have read quite a lot on the Revolutionary Era, including several other biographies of Thomas Jefferson, and even so I learned a lot about Jefferson in the reading of this book. However, there are elements of the book with which I take exception. Mr. Meacham states in the Author's Notes that this biography is, in part, a reaction to recent biographies of both George Washington, John Adams and Alexander Hamilton which have revised opinions of these three men, especially Hamilton. He writes, "Then came nearly two decades of highly acclaimed biographies of John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, and George Washington that understandably emphasized the virtues of their protagonist, often at Jefferson's expense"(pg. 507). He cites specifically Joseph J. Ellis's Passionate Sage: The Character and Legacy of John Adams , but I imagine he would also include in that list John Adams , by David McCullough and Ron Chernow's two most recents works: Washington: A Life and Alexander Hamilton (all of them highly readable, excellent biographies). Mr. Meacham does a good job--better than most--helping his reader understand that there was during the post-revolutionary period a real fear in certain quarters that the United States could revert to a monarchy. Not so well done in this book is separating over-heated political rhetoric from what Jefferson actually believed. The fact is, a man as unquestionably intelligent and savvy as Jefferson would have known the difference between hyperbolic political rhetoric-even his own-and reality. It is clear that by the end of Washington's second term Jefferson and the Republicans (largely whipped up by Jefferson and Madison) were frustrated and chaffing at the bit. Even then, I cannot accept, as Mr. Meacham seems to imply, that Jefferson put much store in all the monarchical conspiracy theories that had political currency at that time. On balance most historians seem to believe that it was Jefferson's actions and political maneuverings during the Washington administration which help ignite and escalate the overwrought, highly negative atmosphere that convulsed politics during Washington's second administration and beyond. However, Mr. Meacham does not see it that way. Rather he explains Jefferson's third-party maneuverings and obfuscations as a natural reaction to the situation in which he found himself and what, at his time, would have been expected of a man in his station. I did not completely accept this. Jefferson's relationship with Philip Ferneau and the National Gazette is not fully explored in this book and leaves the reader with the impression that Jefferson was only tangentially involved with the newspaper that regularly ravaged Washington and his administration. But at least Mr. Meacham does allude to the conection. What is a more egregious omission is any exploration of how duplicitous Jefferson (and especially Madison) became in dealing with Washington in his second administration. Although Washington knew and understood that he had political differences with the two men, he still considered them trustworthy confidants. He had no idea the degree to which, through indirect means, the two men were so actively working against him. Jefferson and Madison continued to allow themselves to be taken into Washington's confidence never once indicating that they were anything other that loyal friends. This I think is an essential part of Jefferson's character and should not be excluded from a biography of his life especially one whose stated thesis is to show how artful, skillful and subtle was his accumulation and use of power. The final difference I have with THOMAS JEFFERSON: THE ART OF POWER is the thesis that Mr. Meacham proposes at the beginning of the book and attempts to support throughout: that Jefferson's vision for American, which contrasted with Washington's and Hamilton's allowed him and his proteges to control the Presidency for 40 years with only one four year interruption by John Quincy Adams. It is, of course true enough that Madison, Monroe, Jackson and Van Buren were disciples of Jefferson. But Mr. Meacham's argument that Jefferson accomplished this feat by opposing and triumphing over the policies of Washington and Hamilton is not accurate. In fact, Mr. Meacham seems to believe that Jefferson was able to win the Presidency because, "He understood the country was open to--even eager for-- a government that seemed less intrusive and overbearing than the one Washington and Adams had created" (pg. 352). While it is true that Jefferson and his proteges could not wait for Washington to exit the stage, the country itself never gave that indication, not in the slightest degree. Had he run, Washington would have easily won a third term. Adams, of course, was defeated for reelection, but that was not a rejection by the voters of Washington. Adam's defeat was due more to yawning cleavage in the Federalist Party and the electoral advantage created by the 3/5 clause of the constitution giving a significant Electoral College advantage to states with large slave populations, than to any rejection of Washington, his policies or his style of governing. Moreover, what Jefferson did to consolidate his hold on power was adopted in deed, if not in word, the Hamiltonian idea that the country needed a stronger central government governed by a stronger executive. For all of Jefferson's concern over what he characterized as monarchical power grabs by Washington, Jefferson did more to increase the power of the President with the Louisiana Purchase than Washington did in his entire presidency. And that by no means was the only time Jefferson broadened and consolidated powers of the presidency. Where Washington had used restraint, Jefferson often resorted to expediency. Many such incidences are skillfully explored in this book. The inconstancy they pose to Jefferson's rhetoric are attributed by Mr. Meacham to "pragmatism." In reality, they were actions which if Washington or any other Federalist had engaged in would been haled as auguries of monarchism by the Jeffersonians. The part of this book I found most insightful and interesting is Mr. Meacham's discussion of the debt assumption crisis. I had always believed that Hamilton got the better of Jefferson in this bargain which both resolved the crisis created the debt incurred by the state during the Revolutionary War and sited the nation's capitol on the Potomac. However, Mr. Meacham does an excellent job of explaining all of the many and complicated subtleties, which seemed to be overlooked by other historians, which came in to play here. He argues persuasively how, even though Hamilton got what he wanted in the bargain, Jefferson also negotiated some meaningful concessions. The bargain struck between these two antagonists was actually much more balanced than I originally believed. Having pointed to a few differences with Mr. Meacham and his view of Thomas Jefferson, I very thoroughly enjoyed this book and will most likely read it again. It is beautifully written, meticulously researched and goes a long way to re-balance the modern image of Jefferson, reminding its readers the debt that is owed to the drafter of the Declaration of Independence and the Sage of Monticello.

## Technical Specifications

| Specification | Value |
|---------------|-------|
| Best Sellers Rank | #23,701 in Books ( See Top 100 in Books ) #15 in American Revolution Biographies (Books) #15 in US Presidents #18 in History & Theory of Politics |
| Customer Reviews | 4.5 out of 5 stars 4,500 Reviews |

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## Customer Reviews

### ⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ Crisply written and excellent biography of Thomas Jefferson
*by S***N on February 10, 2013*

This is a well written, fast moving biography of Thomas Jefferson. The chapters tend to be punchy and relatively brief (some as short as 5 or 6 pages long)' I once reviewed Ellis book, "American Sphinx," a biography of Thomas Jefferson. At one point I mentioned Ellis' perspective: "Thomas Jefferson, according to the author, was an American Sphinx. And, indeed, there is an elusive quality to Jefferson. As the biography outlines, he could be as vicious a political assassin as there was (e.g., his attacks on John Adams through others, while trying to keep his own hands `clean'), but he did not appear to want to accept or confront this in himself. Ellis characterizes Jefferson as (page 26) `. . .a flawed creature, a man who combined massive learning with extraordinary naïveté, piercing insights into others with daunting powers of self-deception, utter devotion to great principles with a highly indulged presumption that his own conduct was not answerable to them.'" In short, Ellis emphasized his elusiveness, his contradictions. It is a nuanced work, but there is a critical edge at points in this book. Jon Meacham's book has a different take on Jefferson. It has a more positive cast to it. One example suggests the difference in approaches. Ellis speaks of the time when President George Washington lamented to harsh attacks on him by a partisan newspaper, edited by Philip Freneau. Jefferson was a key actor in bringing the newspaper into existence. Indeed, Freneau was an employee of the State Department (which Jefferson headed). Ellis' take on this is critical, as he relates Washington's lament to Jefferson, while Jefferson revealed nothing of his own role in the newspaper. Ellis sees this as indicating a sort of dishonesty about Jefferson. Meacham sees it as an illustration of Jefferson's desire not to get caught up in unpleasantness, with which he felt uncomfortable. The book does a nice job outlining Jefferson's life, from birth to death. Meacham develops a portrayal of Jefferson that addresses his inconsistencies (his view on slavery and African-Americans is rather tortured). Jefferson is perceived as a pragmatist--not a mist eyed Romantic. Slavery is an example. He thought it an institution that would create problems in the future. He made a few efforts to address this, but withdrew and did not really take a firm stand thereafter when the political problems associated with his perceptions became obvious. The book analyzes some of Jefferson's problems in a sympathetic manner, such as his flight from the English forces while he was serving as Governor. It treats his economic policy against European countries more positively than Ellis. The book deals openly with Sally Hemings, a slave on his plantation who bore him several children. Well done is the past paced storyline of Jefferson. We move crisply through the various stages of life, from his early political career to his role at the Constitutional Convention (with his authorship of the Declaration of Independence as a major contribution), to Governor of Virginia to a diplomat living in Paris to service as Secretary of State under Washington to the vice presidency (serving with John Adams--who went from being a close ally to his bête noir) to the presidency and thereafter. The tale of the resumption of his friendship with John Adams is well told. We get a good sense of Meacham's take on Jefferson as a person. All in all, a very readable account of Jefferson that is accessible to the reader.

### ⭐⭐⭐⭐ Re-balances the Modern Perception of Jefferson
*by E***S on June 14, 2014*

THOMAS JEFFERSON: THE ART OF POWER, by Jon Meacham is a great read, I enjoyed it Prologue through Epilogue. It is lively, interesting and insightful. I have read quite a lot on the Revolutionary Era, including several other biographies of Thomas Jefferson, and even so I learned a lot about Jefferson in the reading of this book. However, there are elements of the book with which I take exception. Mr. Meacham states in the Author's Notes that this biography is, in part, a reaction to recent biographies of both George Washington, John Adams and Alexander Hamilton which have revised opinions of these three men, especially Hamilton. He writes, "Then came nearly two decades of highly acclaimed biographies of John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, and George Washington that understandably emphasized the virtues of their protagonist, often at Jefferson's expense"(pg. 507). He cites specifically Joseph J. Ellis's Passionate Sage: The Character and Legacy of John Adams , but I imagine he would also include in that list John Adams , by David McCullough and Ron Chernow's two most recents works: Washington: A Life and Alexander Hamilton (all of them highly readable, excellent biographies). Mr. Meacham does a good job--better than most--helping his reader understand that there was during the post-revolutionary period a real fear in certain quarters that the United States could revert to a monarchy. Not so well done in this book is separating over-heated political rhetoric from what Jefferson actually believed. The fact is, a man as unquestionably intelligent and savvy as Jefferson would have known the difference between hyperbolic political rhetoric-even his own-and reality. It is clear that by the end of Washington's second term Jefferson and the Republicans (largely whipped up by Jefferson and Madison) were frustrated and chaffing at the bit. Even then, I cannot accept, as Mr. Meacham seems to imply, that Jefferson put much store in all the monarchical conspiracy theories that had political currency at that time. On balance most historians seem to believe that it was Jefferson's actions and political maneuverings during the Washington administration which help ignite and escalate the overwrought, highly negative atmosphere that convulsed politics during Washington's second administration and beyond. However, Mr. Meacham does not see it that way. Rather he explains Jefferson's third-party maneuverings and obfuscations as a natural reaction to the situation in which he found himself and what, at his time, would have been expected of a man in his station. I did not completely accept this. Jefferson's relationship with Philip Ferneau and the National Gazette is not fully explored in this book and leaves the reader with the impression that Jefferson was only tangentially involved with the newspaper that regularly ravaged Washington and his administration. But at least Mr. Meacham does allude to the conection. What is a more egregious omission is any exploration of how duplicitous Jefferson (and especially Madison) became in dealing with Washington in his second administration. Although Washington knew and understood that he had political differences with the two men, he still considered them trustworthy confidants. He had no idea the degree to which, through indirect means, the two men were so actively working against him. Jefferson and Madison continued to allow themselves to be taken into Washington's confidence never once indicating that they were anything other that loyal friends. This I think is an essential part of Jefferson's character and should not be excluded from a biography of his life especially one whose stated thesis is to show how artful, skillful and subtle was his accumulation and use of power. The final difference I have with THOMAS JEFFERSON: THE ART OF POWER is the thesis that Mr. Meacham proposes at the beginning of the book and attempts to support throughout: that Jefferson's vision for American, which contrasted with Washington's and Hamilton's allowed him and his proteges to control the Presidency for 40 years with only one four year interruption by John Quincy Adams. It is, of course true enough that Madison, Monroe, Jackson and Van Buren were disciples of Jefferson. But Mr. Meacham's argument that Jefferson accomplished this feat by opposing and triumphing over the policies of Washington and Hamilton is not accurate. In fact, Mr. Meacham seems to believe that Jefferson was able to win the Presidency because, "He understood the country was open to--even eager for-- a government that seemed less intrusive and overbearing than the one Washington and Adams had created" (pg. 352). While it is true that Jefferson and his proteges could not wait for Washington to exit the stage, the country itself never gave that indication, not in the slightest degree. Had he run, Washington would have easily won a third term. Adams, of course, was defeated for reelection, but that was not a rejection by the voters of Washington. Adam's defeat was due more to yawning cleavage in the Federalist Party and the electoral advantage created by the 3/5 clause of the constitution giving a significant Electoral College advantage to states with large slave populations, than to any rejection of Washington, his policies or his style of governing. Moreover, what Jefferson did to consolidate his hold on power was adopted in deed, if not in word, the Hamiltonian idea that the country needed a stronger central government governed by a stronger executive. For all of Jefferson's concern over what he characterized as monarchical power grabs by Washington, Jefferson did more to increase the power of the President with the Louisiana Purchase than Washington did in his entire presidency. And that by no means was the only time Jefferson broadened and consolidated powers of the presidency. Where Washington had used restraint, Jefferson often resorted to expediency. Many such incidences are skillfully explored in this book. The inconstancy they pose to Jefferson's rhetoric are attributed by Mr. Meacham to "pragmatism." In reality, they were actions which if Washington or any other Federalist had engaged in would been haled as auguries of monarchism by the Jeffersonians. The part of this book I found most insightful and interesting is Mr. Meacham's discussion of the debt assumption crisis. I had always believed that Hamilton got the better of Jefferson in this bargain which both resolved the crisis created the debt incurred by the state during the Revolutionary War and sited the nation's capitol on the Potomac. However, Mr. Meacham does an excellent job of explaining all of the many and complicated subtleties, which seemed to be overlooked by other historians, which came in to play here. He argues persuasively how, even though Hamilton got what he wanted in the bargain, Jefferson also negotiated some meaningful concessions. The bargain struck between these two antagonists was actually much more balanced than I originally believed. Having pointed to a few differences with Mr. Meacham and his view of Thomas Jefferson, I very thoroughly enjoyed this book and will most likely read it again. It is beautifully written, meticulously researched and goes a long way to re-balance the modern image of Jefferson, reminding its readers the debt that is owed to the drafter of the Declaration of Independence and the Sage of Monticello.

### ⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ Wonderful Biography of a Great Man
*by R***T on October 4, 2013*

Indeed, many sources contemporary with Jefferson call him a great man. Meacham, however, avoids writing a hagiography. Instead, he advances the thesis that Jefferson's genius was that he both sought great power and used it effectively. He does not gloss over Jefferson's failure as governor to protect Virginia from the Redcoats during the Revolution. Indeed, he was pursued into the mountains by the vicious Tarleton, a fictionalized version of whom appears in Mel Gibson's The Patriot. This, however, appears to be a momentary glitch against the entire sweep of Jefferson's career. Member of the colonial Virginia House of Burgesses, member of the committee that drafted the Declaration of Independence for the Continental Congress, long-serving minister to France (leaving only upon the storming of the Bastille in July, 1789), amateur scientist, accomplished linguist and friend of the classics, and, finally, only the second two-term President of the United States. In that role, Jefferson cemented the nation's course. Contrary to the wishes of Adams, his predecessor, and other Federalists, the United States would not again become a part of the British Empire--much less being ruled by a king or queen. The 1800 election was thrown into the House of Representatives, as Jefferson sought to deny his former friend John Adams a second term. It was not until February, 1801, that the election was decided in Jefferson's favor. Incidentally, Meacham chooses to open the book with a depiction of this fateful day before flashing back to Jefferson's origins as a son of privilege among Virginia planters. During those two terms, Jefferson presided over the Louisiana Purchase, pivotal to the new nation's future development. He managed to avoid war with England (it wouldn't come until 1812, when his protege James Monroe was president), even though the British insisted on boarding American ships in search of deserters from their own and occasionally impressing American citizens into the British Navy. Jefferson also dealt with a long-running battle against the Barbary Pirates, who raided commerce along the North African coast. Through it all, Jefferson worried constantly about the nation's viability. Even after he left the White House for his beloved Monticello, it was never far from his mind, As his own death approached, in 1826, he watched the ascendancy of Andrew Jackson with alarm. The backwoodsman from Tennessee seemed to him unsuited for leading the nation. Herein lies the contradiction of Jefferson's life. While advocating democracy with ever ounce of his considerable power, he was never far removed from his elitist origins. Jefferson may not have found royalty inviting, but he certainly believed that some men were created more equal than others. More equal than women, for instance. Bearing multiple children in just a few years led to his wife's death at a young age. Jefferson freely sought the bed of his slave, Sally Hemings, while all the time refusing to acknowledge the children she bore him. More equal than people of color: Jefferson was opposed to slavery in principle, but he could never bring himself to emancipate his own slaves or try to resolve the enormous contradiction from the founding of the Republic that would lead to civil war forty-five years after his death. One wonders what Jefferson would have thought of Abraham Lincoln, another westerner who faced down the issue Jefferson's generation ducked. Meacham kept me reading, sometimes until late hours, a narrative that both enthralls and educates. Under his pen, Jefferson lives and so do most of those with whom he came into contact. Meacham quotes freely from contemporary writings, but even their archaic language seems to soar and draw the mind to a different age. If the book has a flaw, it lies in the relatively sketchy way Meacham handles Jefferson's years in the President's House. One sometimes yearns for more details about, say, Lewis and Clark's Voyage of Discovery. For all of this, the hours required to delve into TJ:TAP will be rewarded with a deeper understanding of a formative character in our nation's origins and development. One will also be lifted up by the skillful use of language and the honesty of the author's approach.

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